New Perspectives on U.S.-Japan Relations
Saturday, July 29, 2006

The complex relationship between Japanese Americans and Japan was the topic of a symposium on July 21, sponsored by the Japanese American National Museum and the Japan Foundation Center for Global Partnership. Following are keynote addresses prepared by speakers Sen. Daniel Inouye and Norman Mineta, making his first statements as a private citizen since leaving his post as U.S. Secretary of Transportation.

Japan and The Japanese American Story
By Norman Y. Mineta

I consider it a very special honor to be here with Speaker (Yohei) Kono and with Mr. (Haruo) Murase—and as always I consider it a great pleasure to see my friends from the Museum.

And it is with that knowledge that I leave public service knowing that the work is in good hands.

I have often reflected in recent years about the unlikely path I have followed. As all of you know, there was a time when I and 120,000 other Americans of Japanese ancestry were told by some that we would never truly be accepted as Americans.

It was a little over 60 years ago that we were forced from our homes and into internment camps.
There have been many times that I have sat at Cabinet meetings and marveled at how far we have come—and considered what a profound thing it says about America that it is possible to get from there to here.

The journey that relations between the United States and Japan have taken is no less profound.

Today, our two nations are bound together by a shared faith in democracy, a belief in justice and a commitment to peaceful cooperation.

For more than a half-century, our friendship has been a bedrock of security in Asia. And it is proving itself in the face of other challenges as well—from fighting the spread of AIDS, to stopping the spread of terrorism and establishing a foothold of freedom and democracy in the Middle East.

America and Japan are allies today because we share many common values and a common vision of the future. Japan is the United States’ preeminent historic trading partner in the Asia-Pacific region. And it is no coincidence that the world’s two largest industrial economies are leaders in developing and applying the innovative technologies that today drive global growth.

This leadership is strengthened by the extensive cooperation between our two nations in a wide variety of areas, at both the governmental and business level.

We are cooperating in areas that are rich in their potential to transform our economies and to save the lives of hundreds of thousands of people around the world. Our cooperation through APEC and globally has also been important in promoting transportation security in the post 9/11 world.

Japan has been an invaluable partner in the war on terror and an invaluable ally in improving the security and the safety of the global transportation network. And in all this work, we have come to know that there is much each of us can learn from the other.

However, the evolution of the U.S.-Japan relationship has had one feature that is substantially different than any other such relationship in U.S. history.

One of the most remarkable things about the United States is that there is no nation on Earth to which one group of Americans cannot trace their ancestry.

In U.S. relations with every nation, there are Americans who take a close and ongoing interest because they, or their ancestors immigrated from there.

To cite just one example, think of the work of Irish Americans on the challenges that have faced Ireland over the years. From President Clinton to former Senator George Mitchell to any number of Kennedys, Irish Americans have played a critical role in shaping U.S. policy toward Ireland.

The Japanese American story, however, has been vastly different.

It is no exaggeration to say that, perhaps more than any other ethnic group in America, we have held ourselves at a distance from the nation of our parents, grandparents and great-grandparents.

In a sense, this is totally understandable—for many years our most pressing public policy challenge was in making our fellow Americans understand that we are Americans of Japanese ancestry—not Japanese living in America.

And, in all fairness, I must say there have been times over the years when my Japanese acquaintances have had some difficulty understanding that, as well. But thankfully, that is changing and changing rapidly.

And I believe this opens new avenues for Japanese Americans to take an active role in building and improving the ties of understanding between the United States and Japan.

That is one reason I am glad for the opportunity to participate in this symposium today and why I have been so pleased t witness the efforts of a growing number of organizations to bridge the gap between our nations. Those are bridges that Japanese Americans are uniquely suited to helping to build.

It was roughly a century ago that my mother and father came to the United States from Japan’s Shizuoka prefecture in search of hope and opportunity.

They found both, despite the tremendous challenges they faced.

Some challenges were no different from those faced by any immigrant—learning a new culture, learning a new language--while others were unique in American history.

And while my parents worked hard and made many sacrifices to built a bright future for their family, they never forgot the country from which they came. My father called Japan the land of his birth and the United States the land of his heart.

The greatest tragedy he faced in his life was the day he was forced to choose between the two.

Thankfully, that day now lies far in the past. And never had the opportunities been brighter for the United States and Japan to build a safe, secure and prosperous future together.

China, Japan, and the United States
By Sen. Daniel Inouye

For many decades, especially since the service of Ambassador Mike Mansfield as our ambassador in Japan, policy makers in the U.S. have generally agreed that stability and non-violent relations among peoples, especially in Asia and the Pacific Rim, depends on the collaborative efforts exerted by three countries: China, Japan, and the United States.

To date, this stability has allowed Asia to enter into the global community, forgoing an era of world prosperity unprecedented in our history. The decades of the modern era have blossomed into a period of largely non-violent relations in the Asia Pacific region, and other than the occasional saber-rattling of North Korea, we have had a relatively stable period in the Korean Peninsula.

The point of view of the United States focuses on the current conditions in the region today, despite its history of conflict. Vietnam, for most Americans is a chapter in the deep and far past; World War II is almost forgotten. Our eyes are fixed on the road ahead—a road that our conversations today can help guide toward enduring stability.

And so, we have gathered today to ponder over this relationship of three nations that have been enemies historically—Japan vs. China, the United States vs. Japan, and China vs. the Western World.

In order to suggest a direction for our discussions to follow, I have taken the liberty of providing you with a report and research that I have conducted. The research is based on openly available sources, and the numbers can be verified.

My report sketches out where we were 10 years ago, where we are today, and where we may be 10 years from now, which is of the greatest interest to those of us assembled here.

My research focuses on three areas for each of the three nations to provide a basis for comparison and discussion: (1) demographics, especially on population and ethnicity, (2) economy and commerce, and (3) military strength.

In all categories, I will be sharing with you comparative statistics for the United States, China, and Japan for the years 1996, 2006, and projections for 2016 where they are available. However, I will highlight a few areas of particular interest to give you a general idea as to the gravity of these numbers.

Let us begin with economic statistics. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the year 1996 for the United States was $8.1 trillion; for China, $750 million; and for Japan; $4.1 trillion. This year, the GDP for the United States is expected to be $12.49 trillion; for China, $2.23 trillion; and for Japan, $4.66 trillion. Using the 2006 GDP growth rates, the figures for 2016 can be projected to be $15 trillion for the United States; $4.43 trillion for China; and $5.92 for Japan.

For per capita income, in 1996 the figures were $18,136 for the United States; $2,732 for China; and $23,424 for Japan. This year, the United States reports $23,848; China, $6290; and Japan, $30,621. For 2016, the projection for the United States is $43,543; for China, $16,080, and for Japan, $47,810.

The labor force in the United States in 1996 was 133,943,000; in China, 614,700,000; and in Japan, 67,230,000. This year, the U.S. labor force is numbered at 149,300,000; China, 791,400,000; and Japan, 66,400,000. For the year 2016, the U.S. is projected to have a labor force of 164,500,000; China, 843,700,000; and Japan, 60,600,000.

Finally, for the populations of the three countries, in 1996, the U.S. numbered at 267,955,000; China at 1,221,592,000; and Japan at 125,733,000. In the year 2006, the figures grew to 298,444,000 in the United States; 1,313,974,000 in China; and 127,464,000 in Japan.

Let us now look into defense statistics. For the military, as to manpower and personnel, in 1996, the United States had a force of 3,364,400 personnel; China, 4,135,000; and Japan, 283,400. In 2006, the number of personnel for the U.S. was 3,190,570; China, 3,055,000; and Japan, 304,645. The projections for military personnel in 2016 for the three countries are not quite available.

However, these numbers may not give you the full impact. Reports indicates that in times of emergency of crisis, China can almost immediately draw upon more than 10 million organized militia members.

In reviewing the statistics on weapon systems for the three countries, the following additional information I have on China should be of interest to you.

In 2004, China introduced a new type of ASCM armed fast attack craft built on a stealthy, wave-piercing, catamaran hull that is one of the more advanced hull designs used by any navy in the world today. China is also building three new classes of amphibious ships and landing craft, all of which began constriction in 2003. Between these three classes, China built a total of 19 amphibious ships and 8 amphibious landing craft in 2003 and 2004.

There were indicators last year that China plans to organize a combat air wing for a future aircraft carrier. China does not have any aircraft carriers in inventory at this moment.

China is developing and exporting numerous advanced mines of all types. One example is the wireless remote controlled EM 57, a mine that offers many tactical options. For example, the mine can be turned off and on remotely to prolong its life, or it can be activated and deactivated to allow safe passage for friendly vessels.

China is modernizing its longer-range ballistic missile force by qualitatively upgrading and/or replacing older systems with newer, more survivable ones. China is introducing a new road-mobile, solid-propellant, intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), the DF-31 and the extended-range DF-31A, which can target most of the world, including the continental United States. These systems are supplemented by a new submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM), the JL-2, for deployment aboard the JIN-class (Type 094) ballistic missile submarine.

China signed a contract in September 2005 to acquire approximately 40 IL-76 transport planes and 8 IL-78/MIDAS air refueling aircraft from Russia. These aircraft will increase PLA Air Force strategic lift capacity, in particular, the ability to airdrop troops and fighting vehicles. The refueling aircraft will extend the range and strike potential of China’s bomber and fighter aircraft.
This additional information should suggest that China is rapidly acquiring weapon systems for “power projection.”

This information suggests to those of us assembled here today that the challenges ahead maybe great—but the greatness of the challenges should not deter us from our discussions. We, as a small part of humanity, can continue to play a vital role in maintaining and vitalizing this era of Asian stability and prosperity.